November 24, 2015
NINYBY
A propos of yesterday’s post on the great paradox of housing policy — people say that they want restrictive land use policies which limit the construction of new housing at the same time that they say that they want more affordable housing in their communities — I present Exhibit 1: Votes by Community Boards Running Strongly Against de Blasio Affordable Housing Proposals. This document provides evidence that people are strongly opposed to affordable housing in their own communities while bemoaning the lack of affordable housing in nearby communities. This state of affairs is so extreme that it deserves its own acronym, Not in New Yorkers Backyards, or NINYBY.
This document was produced by New York Law School’s CityLand periodical and it discusses a
comprehensive chart tracking every vote taken by community boards citywide on the ZQA and MIH text amendments. On September 21, 2015, the City Planning Commission referred for public review the Zoning for Quality and Affordability (ZQA) and Mandatory Inclusionary Housing (MIH) citywide text amendments. Since the public review process has begun, community boards across the city have met to discuss and vote on each of the two proposals. All 59 New York City Community Boards have until November 30th to vote on two citywide text amendments.
CityLand has created a comprehensive citywide chart that is tracking every community board action taken on ZQA and MIH.
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Thus far, an overwhelming number of community boards have voted against both of these proposals, with MIH doing marginally better than ZQA. Within the boards themselves, the votes have been lopsided, with several recording unanimous votes against. Most Boards have backed up the votes with statements expressing their reasons for opposition. Some Boards that approved the measures included stipulations to the Yes votes.
New York City is never going to even begin to address its affordable housing issue if it does not implement policies like these proposed by the de Blasio Administration. Those who oppose these policies should at least admit that much is true.
November 24, 2015 | Permalink | No Comments
Tuesday’s Regulatory & Legislative Round-Up
- The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau has released its Rulemaking Agenda for Fall 2015, included is an estimate that the new mortgage servicing rules, proposed in November 2014, are estimated to be finalized by June 2016.
- The Chairman of the White House Counsel of Economic Advisers, Jason Furman, delivered a speech at the Urban Institute, entitled Barriers to Shared Growth: The Case of Land Use Regulation and Economic Rents in which he argues that land use restrictions such as tough zoning regulation exacerbate inequality and stifle development.
- New York City Mayor de Blasio has recently announced plans to spend $3 billion on supportive housing development for the homeless and victims of domestic violence.
November 24, 2015 | Permalink | No Comments
November 23, 2015
Planning for Affordability
Rick Hills and David Schleicher have posted Planning an Affordable City to SSRN. The abstract reads,
In many of the biggest and richest cities in America, there is a housing affordability crisis. Housing prices in these cities have appreciated well beyond the cost of construction and even faster than rising incomes. These price increases are a direct result of zoning rules that limit the ability of new supply to meet rising demand. The high cost of housing imposes a heavy burden on poorer and younger residents and, by forcing residents away from these human capital rich areas, has even reduced regional and national economic growth. While scholars have done a great deal to identify the problem, solutions are hard to come by, particularly given the strong influence of neighborhood “NIMBY” groups in the land-use process that resist any relaxation of zoning limits on housing supply.
In this Article, we argue that binding and comprehensive urban planning, one of the most criticized ideas in land-use law, could be part of an antidote for regulatory barriers strangling our housing supply. In the middle of the last century, several prominent scholars argued that courts should find zoning amendments that were contrary to city plans ultra vires. This idea was, however, largely rejected by courts and scholars alike, with leading academic figures arguing that parcel-specific zoning amendments, or “deals,” provide space for the give-and-take of democracy and lead to an efficient amount of development by encouraging negotiations between developers and residents regarding externalities from new building projects.
We argue, by contrast, that the dismissal of plans contributed to the excessive strictness of zoning in our richest and most productive cities and regions. In contrast with both planning’s critics and supporters, we argue that plans and comprehensive remappings are best understood as citywide deals that promote housing. Plans and remappings facilitate trades between city councilmembers who understand the need for new development but refuse to have their neighborhoods be dumping grounds for all new construction. Further, by setting forth what can be constructed as of right, plans reduce the information costs borne by purchasers of land and developers, broadening the market for new construction. We argue that land-use law should embrace binding plans that package together policies and sets of zoning changes in a number of neighborhoods simultaneously, making such packages difficult to unwind. The ironic result of such greater centralization of land-use procedure will be more liberal land-use law and lower housing prices.
For me, the paper highlights one of the great paradoxes of housing policy — people say that they want restrictive land use policies which limit the construction of new housing at the same time that they say that housing is too darn expensive in their communities.
The paper’s proposal to adopt “binding and comprehensive urban planning” is an intriguing one that could solve that paradox, but I wonder if there is sufficient political will to implement it over the interests of the parties that benefit from our current ad hoc system of land use regulation.
November 23, 2015 | Permalink | No Comments
Monday’s Adjudication Roundup
- The Second Circuit did not revive $1.2 billion suit against Quicken Loans for due to a statute of limitations issue. Deutsche Bank alleged that Quicken loans breached its contract in transfer of a “shoddy” mortgage portfolio.
- JPMorgan settled mortgage delay class action with two class representatives for failure to give notice of a mortgage payoff of thousands of NYS homeowners.
- Judge does not disqualify a Federal Trade Commission attorney in suit for scheme to defraud distressed homeowners for his role in the investigation.
- The Federal Circuit found that HUD is not party to a contract “under which the company’s low-income housing subsidies were revoked.”
- The Securities and Exchange Commission claims that at least $10 million in funds from EB-5 were diverted to Chinese investors. The SEC is bringing a fraud suit against a doctor, an office manager and businesses for this alleged diversion.
November 23, 2015 | Permalink | No Comments
Friday’s Government Reports Roundup
- According to an October 2015 Department of Labor report, 271,000 jobs were added to the US economy in the month of October and the unemployment rate decreased to 5% from 5.1% in September.
- The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) released its ninth edition of its “Supervisory Highlights”, reporting illegal practices that the CFPB discovered between May and August 2015, including mortgage origination and servicing and student loan servicing, among others.
- The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP) released report “Realizing the Housing Voucher Program’s Potential to Enable Families to Move to Better Neighborhoods”.
November 20, 2015 | Permalink | No Comments
November 19, 2015
Building HOME
The HOME Coalition, a coalition of affordable housing organizations, has posted Building HOME: The HOME Investment Partnerships Program’s Impact on America’s Families and Communities, its 2015 report. I don’t think HOME is a household word, at least when it is in ALLCAPS, so here are the basics, taken from the report:
For over 20 years, the HOME Investment Partnerships Program (HOME) has proven to be one of the most effective, locally driven tools to help states and communities provide access to safe, decent, and affordable housing for low-income residents. The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) reports that since HOME’s authorization in 1990, $26.3 billion in HOME funds have leveraged an additional $117 billion in public and private resources to help build and preserve nearly 1.2 million affordable homes and to provide direct rental assistance to more than 270,000 families. The HOME Coalition estimates that this investment has supported nearly 1.5 million jobs and has generated $94.2 billion in local income.
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With HOME, Congress created a program that provides states and communities with unmatched flexibility and local control to meet the housing needs that they identify as most pressing. HOME is the only federal housing program exclusively focused on addressing such a wide range of housing activities. States and local communities use HOME to fund new production where affordable housing is scarce, rehabilitation where housing quality is a challenge, rental assistance when affordable homes are available, and provide homeownership opportunities when those are most needed. Moreover, this flexibility means that states and communities can quickly react to changes in their local housing markets. (7, emphasis removed)
The report calls attention to the fact that Congress has been making big cuts to HOME funding since 2010. These cuts show the complexities inherent in federal housing policy, coming as they do right on the heels of the creation of the National Housing Trust Fund in 2008.
Congress appears to giveth and taketh away from housing programs in equal measure. As an added bonus for Congress, it taketh away on-budget items (HOME) and giveth off-budget items (NHTF, funded by Fannie and Freddie surcharges), making it an even more politically expedient trade-off. HOME dollars are a lot more flexible than NHTF dollars, so even a dollar for dollar trade has significant downsides for state housing programs. There is a lot not to like about this development in federal housing policy.
November 19, 2015 | Permalink | No Comments



