Reiss on Mortgage Insurance Proposal

Law360 quoted me in FHFA Capital Rules Will Squeeze Older Mortgage Insurers (behind a paywall). It opens,

The Federal Housing Finance Agency on Thursday released proposals that would impose higher capital requirements on private mortgage insurers doing business with Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, but experts say insurers with bubble-era mortgages in their portfolios may find it tough to meet the new mandates.

The new standards will force mortgage insurers to determine the amount of cash and other liquid assets they retain to cover potential payouts using more of a risk-based formula than they have up to this point, meaning that the riskier the mortgage, the more capital will be required.

Because of that, mortgage insurers that were in business during the housing bubble era and have older loans on their books will be hit harder than insurers that have only post-financial crisis loans on their books, said Paul Hastings LLP partner Kevin Petrasic.

“The older vintage mortgages have more challenging issues than the newer mortgages,” he said.

Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac are barred from backing mortgages where the borrower has contributed less than a 20 percent down payment without getting private mortgage insurance to make up the difference. The insurance on those mortgages absorbs any losses before Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac do in the case of default, in essence putting private money before taxpayer money.

During the financial crisis, private mortgage insurers paid out billions of dollars on bad mortgages even as Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac took on over $180 billion in federal bailout money in the fall of 2008, when they were put under the FHFA’s conservatorship.

However, the financial crisis also saw many of the larger mortgage insurers fail under the weight of the huge number of claims they had to cover, contributing to Fannie and Freddie’s collapses.

“The history of the mortgage insurance industry is a history of good profits during good times and catastrophic losses in bad times,” said Brooklyn Law School professor David Reiss. “It seems like what the FHFA is doing is saying we don’t want the taxpayer on the hook during the next period of catastrophic losses.”

That is exactly what the FHFA says it intends with its new regulations, part of a so-called strategic plan to strengthen Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac and to bring more private money into the mortgage market.

Reiss on Castro at HUD

Law360 quoted me in Obama Chooses San Antonio Mayor As Next HUD Chief (behind a paywall). It reads in part,

President Barack Obama on Friday nominated San Antonio Mayor Julian Castro to be the next secretary of housing and urban development, a move that observers say will result in the continuation of his administration’s housing policies.

If confirmed, Castro would take over an agency that is still dealing with the after-effects of the bursting of the housing bubble in 2007 and the resulting foreclosure crisis. HUD is also struggling to deal with a dearth of affordable housing in major metropolitan areas and reforming the Federal Housing Administration’s work.

Obama called Castro an “all-star” who has done a “fantastic job” in San Antonio over the last five years.

“He’s become a leader in housing and economic development,” the president said.

Speaking at the White House on Friday, Castro said that he looked forward to helping Americans get access to “good, safe affordable housing.”

“We are in a century of cities. America’s cities are growing again and housing is at the top of the agenda,” Castro said.

Castro would take over HUD from outgoing Secretary Shaun Donovan, whom Obama nominated to lead the Office of Management and Budget. Donovan would in turn replace Sylvia Mathews Burwell, Obama’s nominee to be the next secretary of health and human services.

Among his major tasks will be overseeing the FHA, which provides a government guarantee on mortgages issued to low-income and first-time homebuyers. The agency, which is led by Commissioner Carol Galante, last year was forced to take a $1.7 billion bailout from the Treasury Department as its reserves were depleted due to losses on bad loans.

In response, the FHA has increased insurance premiums on most new mortgages by 10 basis points and sold off some defaulting mortgages as part of a series of reforms aimed at bolstering its capital levels. Even with those changes, the bailout was necessary.

HUD has also been a key player in the Obama administration’s heavily criticized programs aimed at stemming foreclosures, including the Home Affordable Mortgage Program, and in efforts to develop affordable housing stock around the country.

The department is also at the center of fair lending and fair housing litigation against banks and other lenders.

Castro’s views on those subjects are unknown, but observers expect him to follow closely policies established by his predecessor Donovan.

“Our conversations lead us to believe that Castro is unlikely to deviate materially from the existing FHA single-family strategy,” Isaac Boltansky, an analyst at Compass Point Research & Trading LLC, said in a note to clients.

Castro, 39, is serving his third term as San Antonio’s mayor. A rising star in the Democratic party, Obama tapped Castro to give the keynote address at the 2012 Democratic National Convention in Charlotte, North Carolina.

In many ways the appointment is seen as a political decision as much as a policy one for housing experts, and a departure from Donovan, an expert on housing policy.

“Donovan focused his entire career on housing and affordable housing in particular. He is known for his deep understanding of housing issues. Mayor Castro has had a broader portfolio of concerns as a big city mayor,” said Brooklyn Law School professor David Reiss.

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While Castro has focused on affordable housing issues, the mayor of San Antonio is a nonexecutive position, Reiss noted.

“So his ability to implement his vision will be tested in this new position,” he said.

Reiss on Hedge Funds’ GSE Strategy

American Banker quoted me in Everything Lenders Need to Know About GSE Shareholders’ Lawsuits (behind a paywall, but available in full here). It reads in part,

A powerful group of shareholders is amplifying attacks on housing finance reform legislation as they await resolution of a major legal battle, attempting to slow momentum on the bill before it likely passes the Senate Banking Committee.

Several big hedge funds that stand to possibly win billions of dollars for their shares in Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac are leading the charge, both in federal court and in the court of public opinion.

New investors’ rights groups said to be backed by the funds have popped up in recent weeks attacking legislation by Sens. Tim Johnson, D-S.D., chairman of the Senate Banking Committee, and Mike Crapo, the panel’s top Republican.

Their presence is yet another complicating factor in the tumult ahead of a scheduled April 29 vote by the committee, potentially hurting efforts to secure additional support for the measure.

“Now that different people have come out with their bills, it’s been laid bare that the people working on [government-sponsored enterprise] reform aren’t going to do major favors for the shareholders,” said Jeb Mason, a managing director at Cypress Group. “As a result, the shareholders have adjusted their strategy to muddy the waters – and, if they can, kill the Johnson-Crapo bill.”

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As part of their effort, investors have begun taking their concerns public through new tax-exempt groups in Washington. The investors argue they were on the receiving end of a rotten deal from the government, particularly those that bought the stocks before the enterprises were put into conservatorship.

“The hedge funds have this incredibly sophisticated, multi-pronged strategy – lawsuits, legislation, academics on the payroll, funding anonymous PR campaigns, offering to buy the companies. They’re coming at it from all angles,” said David Reiss, a professor at Brooklyn Law School.

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Given the size and complexity of the cases, it’s likely to take years before the matter is resolved entirely. Analysts have suggested that if both sides continue to push the issue, it could even rise up to the Supreme Court over the next several years.

“You’re talking about many-year or potentially, decades-long lawsuits,” said Reiss. “The stakes are humongous and the parties are incredibly sophisticated and well financed. The government parties’ incentives to settle are not the same as a private party – I could imagine them seeing this all the way through.”