Testing CFPB’s Constitutionality

by Junius Brutus Stearns

Law360 quoted me in PHH Case Poised To Test CFPB’s Constitutionality (behind a paywall). It opens,

A battle over the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau’s interpretation of mortgage regulations in assessing a $109 million penalty against a New Jersey-based mortgage firm has morphed into a fight over the authority vested in the bureau’s director that could reshape the consumer finance watchdog, experts say.

The appeal from PHH Corp. to the D.C. Circuit originally centered on CFPB Director Richard Cordray’s decision to dramatically hike a $6 million mortgage insurance kickback penalty issued by an administrative law judge against a company subsidiary, to the final, $109 million figure. But the judges hearing the case warned the bureau to prepare to answer questions at oral arguments Tuesday about language in the Dodd-Frank Act that says the president could remove the CFPB director only for cause, and about how the court should view an administrative agency led by a single director rather than the more typical commission structure.

Those questions have been hanging over the CFPB since its inception in the 2010 law, and if the D.C. Circuit rules against the bureau, that could fundamentally alter the way the bureau operates, said Jonathan Pompan, a partner at Venable LLP.

Cordray “is potentially going to have to address questions that go to the core of his authority, which really hadn’t been at the forefront of the PHH case until now,” he said.

Challenges to the CFPB’s constitutionality are not new. Everything from the bureau’s single-director rather than commission structure to the agency’s funding through the Federal Reserve’s budget rather than the congressional appropriations process have been constant refrains for the CFPB’s opponents.

Those concerns have been addressed through legislation aimed at curtailing the CFPB’s power, and claims challenging the agency’s constitutionality have been an almost pro forma rite of any litigation involving the bureau.

Up until now, however, those complaints and attempts to curb the CFPB have gone nowhere.

So it was a surprise when the D.C. Circuit last Wednesday told the bureau’s attorneys to be prepared to face questions about whether Dodd-Frank’s provision stating that the president can remove the CFPB director only for “inefficiency, neglect of duty, or malfeasance in office” passed constitutional muster.

The panel, made up of three Republican appointees led by U.S. Circuit Judge Brett M. Kavanaugh, is also seeking answers about potential remedies for any problems that that provision brings, including potentially removing it from the statute and allowing the president to remove the CFPB director without any specific cause.

The judges also want to know how any fix to the problem, if they determine there is one, would affect the CFPB director’s authority.

“This is not, by any stretch of the imagination, idle thinking on their part,” said David Reiss, a professor at Brooklyn Law School.

The questions being posed by the D.C. Circuit panel do not pose the same level of threat that the other constitutional challenges the CFPB could potentially face would, but it is certainly a more defining question than what most observers thought the case would be about.

PHH is challenging Cordray’s interpretation of violations under the Real Estate Settlement Procedures Act that allowed him to supersize a $6 million penalty handed down by an administrative law judge, to the $109 million that the CFPB director handed down when PHH appealed.

But the arguments set for Tuesday are expected to go far beyond that issue.

There will be the central question of whether the U.S. Constitution allows Congress to put in restrictions on when the president can fire officials at an administrative agency. The U.S. Supreme Court addressed these issues in the 2010 Free Enterprise Fund v. Public Company Accounting Oversight Board decision, which affirmed a D.C. Circuit ruling that such protections were constitutional.

Judge Kavanaugh cast a dissenting vote in that case, stating that a president should not have to notify Congress as to why the director of an administrative agency is removed.

“If the challenges were going to be taken seriously anywhere, it was probably going to be this panel,” said Brian Simmonds Marshall, policy counsel at Americans for Financial Reform, which seeks tougher banking regulations.

Removing that provision from the statute, should the D.C. Circuit elect to do so, could limit the CFPB’s independence, as well as that of other administrative agencies for which statute requires a reason for the dismissal of officials, he said.

“The CFPB doesn’t have to check with the White House right now before it brings an enforcement action,” Simmonds Marshall said.

Another case that will be heavily scrutinized will be a 1935 Supreme Court decision in Humphrey’s Executor v. U.S., which allowed for restrictions on the removal of Federal Trade Commission commissioners.

The CFPB relied heavily on that case in its filings with the D.C. Circuit, noted Benjamin Saul, a partner at White & Case LLP.

“I’ll be looking for the questions being driven by Judge Kavanaugh and his comments from the bench, particularly on the Humphrey’s case,” Saul said.

Whether the arguments focus mostly on the constitutional questions about the ability to remove the CFPB director or on remedies to fix that could also indicate where the court is headed on these questions, according to Reiss.

“It does sound that they’re searching for remedies that are not earth-shattering remedies,” Reiss said.

Wednesday’s Academic Roundup

Homebuyer’s Guide to Rate Hike

Day Donaldson

Fed Chair Yellen

U.S. News & World Report quoted me in A Consumer’s Guide to the Fed Interest Rate Hike. It opens,

The era of cheap money isn’t exactly over, but on Wednesday, after seven years of having near zero interest rates, the Federal Reserve voted to raise the central bank’s benchmark interest rate from a range of 0 percent to 0.25 percent to a range of 0.25 percent to 0.5 percent. Economists have largely seen this as a positive development – it means the American economy is considered strong enough to handle higher interest rates – but, of course, the all-important question on everyone’s minds is likely: What does this mean for me?

It depends, of course, on where you’re putting your money these days.

Homebuying. While it’s expected that the minor interest rate hike will result in it being more costly to borrow money to buy a home, that isn’t necessarily the case. Numerous factors influence mortgage rates, from where in the country your home is located to the state of the global economy to whether inflation is believed to be around the corner. Still, there’s a pretty fair chance that the interest rate hike will lead to higher borrowing costs.

But it’s worth remembering that even if the rates go up, it’s still cheap to buy a house compared to the recent past. According to Freddie Mac’s website, the average 30-year fixed-rate mortgage currently stands at 3.94 percent. If you bought a house, say, 15 years ago, the annual average rate in 2000 was 8.05 percent.

David Reiss, a law professor at Brooklyn Law School who specializes in real estate, says he wouldn’t rush out to buy a home based on the Fed’s announcement.

“I would caution strongly against letting the Fed’s actions on the interest rate influence the home-buying decision all that much, no matter what market you live in,” Reiss says. “First of all, the mortgage market has taken the Fed’s likely actions into account already, so interest rates … incorporate some of the rise in rate already.”

Bottom line, he says: “Generally, people should be buying a home when it makes sense for their lifestyle. Expect to stay put for a while? Maybe you should buy a home. Expecting kids? Maybe you should buy a home. Retiring to a warmer clime?  Maybe you should buy a home.”

Again, the interest rate climbed 0.25​ percent, and while the Fed has indicated that rates may continue to rise, Federal Reserve Chair Janet Yellen has stressed that any future hikes will be gradual.

“Small changes in interest rates do not generally make that much of a dollars-and-cents difference in the decision to buy,” Reiss says.

Feds Financing Multifamily

Brett VA

The Congressional Budget Office has released The Federal Role in the Financing of Multifamily Rental Properties. The report opens,

Multifamily properties—those with five or more units— provide shelter for approximately one-third of the more than 100 million renters in the United States and account for about 14 percent of all housing units. Mortgages carrying an actual or implied federal guarantee have been an important source of financing for acquiring, developing, and rehabilitating multifamily properties, particularly after the collapse in house prices and credit availability that accompanied the 2008–2009 recession. According to the Federal Reserve, the share of outstanding multifamily mortgages carrying such a guarantee increased by 10 percentage points, from 33 percent at the beginning of 2005 to 43 percent at the end of the third quarter of 2014. (A slightly larger increase of about 16 percentage points occurred in the federal government’s market share of the much larger single-family market.) Such guarantees are made by a variety of entities, and some policymakers are looking for ways to make the federal government’s involvement more effective. Other policymakers have expressed concern about that expanded federal role and are looking at ways to reduce it. (1)

This debate is, of course, key to housing policy more generally: to what extent should the government be involved in the provision of credit in that sector?

This report does a nice job of summarizing the state of the multifamily housing sector, particularly since the financial crisis. It provides an overview of federal mortgage guarantees for multifamily projects and reviews the choices that Congress faces when it decides to determine Fannie and Freddie’s fate. That is, should we have a federal agency guarantee multifamily mortgages; take a hybrid public/private approach; authorize a federal guarantor of last resort; or take a largely private approach?

We should start by asking if there is a market failure in the housing finance sector and then ask how the government should intercede to correct that market failure. My own sense is that we intercede too much and we should move toward a federal guarantor of last resort with additional support for the low- and moderate-income subsector of the market.

 

 

 

Wednesday’s Academic Roundup

Thursday’s Advocacy & Think Tank Round-Up

  • The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities has released a report Realizing the Housing Voucher Program’s Potential to Enable Families to Move to Better Neighborhoods in which it recommends key changes which would lead to long term upward mobility for families using housing vouchers – chief among their goals is encouraging recipients relocation to lower poverty neighborhoods.
  • Corelogic’s September 2015 National Foreclosure Report in which it finds the number of foreclosures down 1.3% since August, and foreclosure inventory is down 23.4% since September 2014.
  • The Mercatus Center at George Mason University’s How Land Use Regulation Undermines Affordable Housing concludes that most regulation lead to higher costs (over free market prices) which disproportionately accrues to lower income citizens.
  • Seeking Alpha blogger proposes that rather than a QE4 the Fed should arrange Student Loan Property Bond to restore growth.  This is how it would work: “The Fed would convert that loan into a Property Bond that pays off the $29,000 loan and advances an additional $29,000 to the student for the home deposit in return for taking a 10% stake in the acquired property. There would be no dividend attached to the Property Bond – the Fed’s return would come from the home price appreciation… The main owner of the property could later choose when the Fed realizes [sic] its return – it could be at the sale of the first home or rolled over onto subsequent purchases until, ultimately, the death of the main owner.”

Tuesday’s Regulatory & Legislative Round-Up

  • A Joint Release of a Final Swap Margin rule by the Farm Credit Administration (FCA), the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC), the Federal Housing Finance Agency (FHFA), the Federal Reserve, and the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC), “establishes minimum margin requirements for swaps and security-based swaps that are not cleared through a clearinghouse.  The margin requirements help ensure the safety and soundness of swap trading in light of the risk to the financial system associated with non-cleared swaps activity.”
  • The U.S. Senate has enacted the Bipartisan Budget Act to lift the debt ceiling until March 2017.  Affordable housing advocates are hopeful that the budget agreement will lead to an increase in funding for programs such as HOME Investment Partnership program, for more information see Enterprise Community Partners Blog Post on #saveHome efforts.