Tag Archives: David Reiss

Integrating AI Tools Into Law School Teaching

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Robert MacKenzie and I have an article in Bloomberg Law, Law Schools Should Teach How to Integrate AI Tools Into Practice. It reads,

Now that artificial intelligence tools for lawyers are widely available, we decided to integrate them for a semester in our Entrepreneurship Clinic. We have some important takeaways for legal education in general and the transactional practice of law in particular.

First, employers and educators need to account for law students who already are using AI tools in their legal work and guide new lawyers about how to use such tools appropriately.

Second, different AI products lead to wildly different results. Just demonstrating this to law students is very valuable, as it dispels the notion that AI responses can replace their independent judgment.

Third, AI’s greatest value may be in refining legal judgment for lawyers in ways that can help new and experienced lawyers alike.

Legal AI Prep

As we were planning our syllabus over the summer, we provided formal training in AI tools designed for lawyers. A librarian provided us an overview of products from Bloomberg Law, Lexis, and Westlaw early in the semester.

Before the training, we asked students how they were using AI in the legal work. Their responses ranged from “not at all” to “I start all of my case law research on ChatGPT.”

We were confident that our students would be better off operating somewhere between those extremes. Over the semester, we demonstrated how AI could enhance the speed and quality of legal work, as well as the dangers of outsourcing research and judgment to an AI tool.

AI Tool Differences

Perhaps the training’s most valuable takeaway was that each tool had access to different databases of materials and had different constraints. We designed simulations that required groups of students to complete the same transactional tasks (drafting, researching, benchmarking market terms, and crafting effective client emails) using various AI tools.

In one exercise, students acted as counsel to a small business owner. The “client” emailed them asking about standard-form contracts relevant to their industry and what pricing mechanics such contracts use.

For the research stage of the task, all teams located a standard-form construction contract, but only half of them found the industry-accepted standard form that we contemplated. The others located this form later by modifying their search approach. This helped to demonstrate some limitations of AI tools.

For the client communication stage, some teams failed to answer the “client’s” questions. This isn’t something the AI tool could address on its own, and it reminded students to constantly refocus on the big picture in addition to individual tasks.

We found that AI tools built on widely available AI platforms such as ChatGPT produced the most responsive outputs and were most forgiving of haphazard prompting. But certain specialized legal AI tools often failed to answer the prompt.

This is a double-edged sword. Although the generally available tools were more likely to generate an answer, they also were more prone to providing unreliable outputs. By contrast, the specialized tools hallucinated much less frequently but regularly stopped short of fulfilling a request if it required work beyond their guardrails.

Delegating Work

Our final takeaway was that AI was surprisingly good at issue-spotting and double-checking a lawyer’s work product. These uses can help both new and experienced lawyers.

We used the idea of delegation to make this point to our students. AI is fast, adaptable, and always available, so it’s a great resource. But you should only delegate work to it when you can verify its output.

In one exercise, students had to issue-spot risks and approaches after a “client” described a business opportunity. Students brainstormed in small groups. There was a lot of overlap, but some groups thought of items that others had not. We added the items to a collective list, relying on our years of practice to guide the students through gaps that remained.

Once we had a strong collective list of items, a team asked an AI product to issue-spot the same scenario. It generated most of the items in our list, some that weren’t relevant, and—most importantly—a couple that no one had raised.

This was a valuable lesson: AI had something to add to our analysis, but we had to exercise independent judgment to determine whether its contributions merited further thought.

Important Takeaways

We asked students for feedback on our use of AI throughout the semester. The most valuable feedback was that they wanted to develop their own legal judgment and learn how and why certain tasks are completed before relying on AI.

This echoes the transition from book-based legal research to electronic legal research. There was some value in searching the law reports in the library, but electronic legal research won out because it was so much more efficient. Yet even with this enhanced efficiency, a responsible lawyer must understand how to build a strong research plan and actually read the cases they cite.

In the clinic, our goal is student learning. It was for this reason that we liked to deploy the AI tools at the end of our exercises: You do the work and then interrogate it with the AI tools of your choice.

Such an approach ensures law students get the benefit of struggling through first repetitions of new tasks while allowing them to generate superior work product with fewer drafts. This process requires discipline. Legal education and legal employers need to clarify the line between AI as a tool versus AI as a crutch.

We learned a lot about how AI tools can help law students develop into good lawyers. As those tools are integrated into legal practice, lawyers of all experience levels should take a self-conscious approach to using them.

Housing Stability in the Mamdani Administration

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By Phillip Capper, Wellington, NZ – 143rd. St., Bronx, NY, 2/08, CC BY 2.0

I am looking forward to the discussion tonight on Housing Stability in the Mamdani Administration, hosted by the Urban Design Forum. While it is sold out, we will be discussing “what a potential rent freeze may look like under the Mamdani administration” and I am sure there will be some good reporting on this topic over the coming weeks and months. The Forum writes,

As living costs continue to rise, Mayor-elect Mamdani has proposed freezing rents on stabilized apartments as a way to support tenants and protect housing stability. At the same time, critics warn that such measures could make it harder for building owners—particularly those managing older buildings with thin margins—to maintain safe, livable homes.

We’ll begin with an overview presentation by Mark Willis of the Furman Center, followed by a panel with Oksana Mironova, Emily Kurtz, David Reiss, and Thomas Yuon how the next administration can promote tenant stability and preserve affordable housing.

What strategies can preserve deep affordability while ensuring stabilized buildings remain financially sustainable?

More on the 50-Year Mortgage

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Marketplace interviewed me in Trump Floated a 50-Year Mortgage to Address Housing Affordability. How Would That Work? The transcript reads,

President Donald Trump proposed a 50-year mortgage over the weekend, in a social media post. The idea came from Bill Pulte, the Federal Housing Finance Agency director.

“The average age of a first-time home buyer is now 40 years old. The notion that you’d finish paying off your mortgage at 90 is probably not something that most people contemplate when they want to buy a home,” said David Reiss, a professor at Cornell Law School.

Still, in the short term, a 50-year mortgage would appear cheaper — slightly. Robert Bridges did the math; he’s associate professor emeritus at the University of Southern California’s Marshall School of Business.

“The payment on a 50-year mortgage, for instance, for a $200,000 loan at 6% would be about $1,052, where a 30-year loan would have a payment of $1,199,” Bridges said.

So that’s a difference of $147 in that example. But it comes with costs to the borrower as well, for starters the interest rate would be higher.

“You pay more for a 30-year mortgage than you do for a 15-year mortgage,” Reiss said. “So you will probably pay more for a 50-year mortgage than you would for a 30-year mortgage.”

According to the American Enterprise Institute, a 50-year mortgage would, initially, increase a homeowner’s buying power by 8%.

“Over time, maybe months, maybe years, that would fade,” said Edward Pinto, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.

Basically, if everyone’s buying power goes up, so does the price of housing. And a longer mortgage also means it takes longer to build up equity.

“And then you’re really left with not much advantage, and you become really a renter with a mortgage,” Pinto said.

A longer loan where it takes longer to build equity also leaves homeowners more vulnerable to risks in the market if home prices stagnate, which Pinto predicts they will in the coming years.

“This has been tried with 40-year loans before, and every time it’s been tried in the United States, it’s failed,” Pinto said.

Failed because they’re too risky, he said. That’s one reason we don’t already have 50-year mortgages.

“It doesn’t seem like this is really the remedy for the housing problem that we all know we have in this country,” Bridges said.

Which is first and foremost, he said, that we don’t have enough of it.

Trump & Pulte’s 50-Year Mortgage

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Politico quoted me in ‘Band-Aid,’ ‘Distraction’: Experts Slam Pulte, Trump 50-Year Mortgage Idea. It opens,

The Trump administration is entertaining a potential plan for the government to back 50-year mortgages to address a housing affordability crisis.

But, in a housing market defined by low supply, industry experts warn that changes in financing are likely to be little more than a “band-aid” and a “gimmick,” while posing bigger risks to homebuyers.

“As a country, the mortgage term is not what we should be worried about. We should be focused on building more supply,” said Troy Ludtka, senior U.S. economist at SMBC Nikko Securities America.

Federal Housing Finance Agency Director Bill Pulte posted on X Saturday that the Trump administration is working on directing government-owned housing finance companies Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac to support 50-year home mortgages, calling the move ”a complete game changer.” President Donald Trump also posted on his social media platform, Truth Social, supporting the idea.

The proposal comes after Trump directed Pulte to leverage Fannie and Freddie to ramp up the country’s stalled housing production to bring down costs and address the estimated shortage of 4.7 million homes. But the new proposal is raising concerns about whether such a major change to the two giant mortgage financiers’ buying rules could destabilize a central strength of homeownership — the opportunity to build wealth over time.

In a series of follow-up posts over the weekend, Pulte wrote that “a 50 Year Mortgage is simply a potential weapon in a WIDE arsenal of solutions that we are developing right now. STAY TUNED!” He sounded off about other possible ideas like supporting portable mortgages, which can transfer to a new property, and assumable mortgages, which can be transferred to a property’s new buyer.

An FHFA spokesperson told POLITICO, “We continue to evaluate all options to address housing affordability, including studying how to make mortgages assumable or portable.”

And a White House spokesperson said in a statement, “President Trump is always exploring new ways to improve housing affordability for everyday Americans. Any official policy changes will be announced by the White House.”

Experts expect that extending the potential length of Fannie- and Freddie-supported home loans would require congressional support.

Fannie and Freddie don’t offer loans directly to potential homebuyers; instead, they purchase mortgages from lenders to package and sell on the secondary market. This frees up resources for lenders to issue new mortgages.

By purchasing 50-year mortgages, Fannie and Freddie could make the longer-term loans more appealing for lenders to offer. With a longer loan, monthly payments could come down, but it also comes at a cost to homebuyers.

“It would lead to buyers building equity in their homes more slowly. At the beginning of the mortgage, more of those payments tend to be interest… This is more of a stopgap band-aid to address affordability,” said Gennadiy Goldberg, head of US rates strategy at TD Securities.

Sharon Cornelissen, director of housing at the Consumer Federation of America, called the proposal “a distraction” and warned that although expanding the accessibility of 50-year mortgages could lower monthly payments, “the cost of that is that people won’t be able to build wealth through homeownership.”

And as first-time homebuyers get older, the 50-year mortgage appears less manageable, Cornelissen said. Last week, the National Association of Realtors shared findings that the median age of first-time homebuyers had risen to an all-time high of 40.

“So you’ll be 90,” Cornelissen said, adding that finishing payment on a 30-year mortgage is a “stabilizing force” for people going into retirement.

David Reiss, a Cornell Law School professor and real estate finance researcher, said a move toward 50-year mortgages would require homebuyers to rethink how they save for retirement.

“We often hear financial advice that you want to try to pay off your mortgage before the time that you retire,” Reiss said. “So that’s a problem.”

Understanding NYC’s Rent-Stabilized Housing Stock

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I will be moderating an NYU Furman Center Policy Breakfast on NYC’s Rent-Stabilized Housing: Understanding Different Segments of the Stock and Why It Matters on November 19th. The link to register is here.

Nearly one million apartments in New York City are rent-stabilized. In 2023, the median rent among rent-stabilized tenants was about $1,500, compared with $2,000 for market-rate renters. These units play a central role in maintaining housing affordability across the city, yet they are often discussed as a single, uniform category.

Our policy breakfast will explore the diversity among buildings with rent-stabilized units, spanning older pre-1974 buildings and newer developments regulated because they received public financing or property tax reductions. Panelists will discuss how these differences shape the challenges and policy considerations facing the rent-stabilized housing stock today. The session aims to deepen understanding of the current landscape and to ground debate on what tailored interventions may be needed to preserve the affordability and quality of this essential part of New York City’s housing supply.

Panel
Kenny Burgos, Chief Executive Officer, New York Apartment Association
Emily Kurtz, Chief Housing Officer, RiseBoro Community Partnership, Inc.
Jane Silverman, Executive Director, Community Development Banking, JPMorgan Chase Bank
Samuel Stein, Senior Policy Analyst, Community Service Society

Moderator
David Reiss, Visiting Professor of Clinical Law, NYU School of Law,
and former Chair, Rent Guidelines Board

Date: Wednesday, November 19, 2025
Time: 8:45 – 10:00 AM ET

NYU School of Law – Vanderbilt Hall
40 Washington Square South
New York, NY 10012

A livestream link will be provided for online attendees.

What’s Andrew Cuomo’s Plan to Help New York City Renters?

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The New York Times interviewed me in a video, What’s Andrew Cuomo’s Plan to Help New York City Renters? The transcript reads,

“Can you describe rent prices in New York?” “High.” “Expensive.” ”Out of control.” ”The rent here is absolutely crazy.” “Very, very unaffordable. Two verys — yeah very, very expensive.” Median asking rent in New York City is up more than 7 percent in just the last year. It’s now about $4,000 per month. That’s made the cost of housing a key issue in the mayor’s race, with the top candidates each proposing changes to a core New York City housing policy: rent stabilization. Nearly half of the apartments in New York are currently rent stabilized, which means that their rent increases are determined by a government agency controlled by the mayor. That makes rent stabilization a hot button issue for hundreds of thousands of voters. After front-runner Zohran Mamdani revealed what he pays in rent — “$2,300 for my one bedroom in Astoria.” — rival Andrew Cuomo argued he was unfairly occupying an affordable apartment and shouldn’t qualify for rent stabilization because he makes $142,000 a year. “Rent-stabilized units, when they’re vacant, should only be rented to people who need affordable housing.”

Many rent-stabilized tenants are low income, but about 16 percent of rent-stabilized households do earn at least $150,000 a year. If elected mayor, Cuomo says you could only qualify for a rent-stabilized apartment if your rent is 30 percent or more of your income. Let’s say this couple is looking for an apartment. Their salaries are $35,000 and $45,000 a year. They find a rent-stabilized apartment for $2,000 a month. That’s 30 percent of their income. So under Cuomo’s plan, this couple will face less competition for this lease because anyone who makes more than them could not apply for the the apartment. Means-testing is popular with voters. About 65 percent supported it in a recent Times-Siena poll.

But critics argue that Cuomo’s plan reflects a misconception that rent stabilization is an affordable housing program. In fact, it’s a form of market regulation with roots in the postwar era. “After World War II, you had returning G.I.s starting families.” The rent gets too damn high and the government takes a look to say, ‘Is there something we could do about it?’” Some apartments in this period were rent-controlled. The system that eventually effectively froze 1970s rents in place like the famously low-rent apartments from “Friends” and “Sex in the City.” “You have a rent-controlled apartment? I suggest you stay there.” In reality, only about 1 percent of apartments are rent controlled today. Most are now covered by rent stabilization, which first became law in 1969. “It really was this broad-based sense that tenants needed the government to come in and kind of limit that increase in their rent. Rent stabilization was not designed to take into account the income of the tenant at all. Rent regulation was really put into place to say when the vacancy rate is so low, landlords can’t use that as an opportunity to gouge tenants for increases in rents.” Today, rent stabilization applies to most apartments in buildings with at least six units that were built before 1974. That covers about one million units and two million New Yorkers. Rent increases are set by the mayor-appointed Rent Guidelines Board. “So you’re not at the mercy of your landlord solely. They can only go according to the increased percentage rate that the Rent Guidelines Board decides.”

Joanne Grell is a tenant advocate in the Bronx. She moved into a rent-stabilized apartment nearly 25 years ago and still lives in it today. “I moved here back in 2002 with a 2-year-old and a 5-year-old, not knowing exactly how I was going to be able to be a single mom and afford to live in the city. Fast forward 23 years later, I raised my children here.” When she moved in, her rent was about $950 a month. She earned a moderate income, but if means-testing had been in place, she wouldn’t have qualified for her unit. “When I moved in here 23 years ago, it might have been 20 percent of my salary. So if Cuomo’s means-testing proposal was in place when I applied for this apartment, I would have never been able to get it.” Now, she does spend more than 30 percent of her income on rent, which has gone up to $1,750 a month. Grell plans to vote for Mamdani this election because she believes his proposal to freeze the rent would help struggling tenants like her and 69 percent of voters in the Times-Siena poll agreed. “My upstairs neighbor said to me, ‘If I get another increase, I will not be able to keep my apartment.’ That’s how serious it is.”

David Reiss said that Mamdani’s rent freeze would help tenants in the short term, while Cuomo’s means-testing would be an administrative nightmare that could make life difficult for many. Ultimately though, he said neither of these policies address the root cause of high prices: that there aren’t enough apartments to go around. Both mayoral candidates have said they support building hundreds of thousands of units to help address the housing shortage. “We need more housing, a lot more.” “Get the supply up. The rents will come down.” But Reiss says neither candidate’s plans would meet the demand and don’t account for factors like population growth or apartments being demolished. “Politicians from President Trump to Andrew Cuomo to Zohran Mamdani, have all proposed policies to address housing affordability. But it can’t just be doing what we’re doing now, but a little bit better. Fundamentally, if you want to increase affordability, you have to build more housing.”